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Initially, a useful analytic distinction can be made with respect to this matter of classification between those allegiances that operate more or less wholly within the confines of a single civil state and those that do not but which run across them. In the first instance pri mordial discontent arises from a sense of political suffocation; in the second, from a sense of political dismemberment. Karen separatism in Burma, Ashanti in Ghana, or Baganda in Uganda are examples of the former; pan-arabism, greater Somaliism, pan-africanism, of the latter. Many of the new states are plagued by both these sorts of problems at once. And there are even a few classical irredentist-type problems scattered among the new states-the Malays in South Thailand, the Pushtu speakers along the Afghan border of Pakistan, and so on; and when political boundaries become more firmly established in sub-saharan Africa there will be a great many more of them. In all these cases, there is-or there may develop-both a desire to escape the established civil state and a longing to reunite a politically divided primordial community. z In the second place, interstate and intrastate primordial attachments often cross-cut one another in a complex network of balanced-if most precariously balanced-commitments. In Malaya one of the more effective binding forces that has, so far at least, held Chinese and Malays together in a single state despite the tremendous centrifugal tendencies the racial and cultural difference generates is the fear on the part of either group that should the Federation dissolve they may become a clearly submerged minority in some other political framework: the Malays through the turn of the Chinese to Singapore or China; the Chinese through the tum of the Malays to Indonesia.

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